Not having any money and structure to your day. Not having anything to sort of like get up for to motivate yourself and particularly not being able to live like 20 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G.
R1: Some days you do [feel down] and it gets on top of you. When you've got no money R2: Yeah, and, like, I've got mates who are seventeen and they're driving cars and stuff like that.
R1: Yeah. R2: You take a look at them and… R1: And you think, what the fuck am I doing? R2: Yeah, you know what I mean, don't you? We come very close to splitting up, like. It puts a big strain on your family Males, Although experiences of reduced agency were widely shared across the study participants, the extent of their effects was related to the amount and nature of support received; for example, whether they received help from their families, redundancy pay, or had substantial savings.
Disruption of role-based identities Disruption of role-based identities was another widely experienced property of the divestment passage prompted by involuntary unemployment; it was related to personal identity crises, which were primarily a consequence of the loss of work-related social roles, and could lead, in a spiral of negative events, to loss of routine and time structure to the day. Personal identity crises. For many study participants work had a central role in building their sense of self.
The loss of their work-related social roles yielded lower self-esteem and depressive symptoms in many of them. In some cases, as for example in the second quotation below, participants referred to both their social identity, e. You get the end of the week and you feel a lot better about yourself […] R1: [When you lose all that] you just feel worthless, you know.
R1: My little boy, man. I would have been off…. Because you get so down, and feel so useless […] 24 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G.
I think when you're doing volunteer work, it boosts your confidence, you feel you're doing something useful… Women, Although these were common experiences, in two focus groups the participants discussed how such alternative roles were not full substitutes for their work roles. R1: …And your confidence disappears. I: Was that initially, or was that like over a period of time?
R1: Straight away for me. R2: For me, straight away. Frequently the study participants discussed this as a frustrating experience that eventually affected their motivation to get out of their home and to engage in social or other activities.
Some study participants reported how such a feeling of lack of motivation and boredom degenerated into a depressed mood. R1: …When you're working, you have a routine. R3: And you look at the whole day, don't you, sometimes when you wake up and you think, oh I've got a whole day to fill.
These passages led the participants to become members of social groups with which they did not identify and, in fact, rejected, and therefore had a negative effect on their social well-being, i. The experiences of unemployed stigma and welfare stigma differed in relation to their sources and the role that place and social relationships had in characterising them. In particular, unemployed stigma was related to being jobless and the participants talked about it primarily in the context of family relationships.
Welfare stigma was related to receiving employment benefits, of which the majority of the participants in our sample were recipients. The participants talked about the experiences of welfare stigma primarily in the context of their visits to Jobcentres Plus. R1: [When you are unemployed] You become a second class citizen.
R2: No mine were all right. His mum were nagging him all the time [ What else can he do. It does get annoying. This latter stigma was an 28 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G. However, often the participants resisted their stigmatisation and distanced themselves from the blemishes they were associated with in order to salvage their personal identity.
Only one 29 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G. However, this was not simply the outcome of him being unemployed but also of living in a hostel for homeless people, where he ended up as a consequence of lack of family support and not having received his redundancy pay because the firm for which he worked for many years went into liquidation.
Welfare stigma. I: What's your initial experience of going to the Jobcentre [Plus] the very first time that you had to go and sign on? R1: It's embarrassing R2: It is R1: You feel like a proper dosser, putting it bluntly, that's what you feel like. R2: You feel like a liar. R1: That's how they make you feel as well… Women, group of 4, 30 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G.
Everyone just sees people on the dole as dole dossers. R1: People with children shouldn't be thinking it's alright to sit there and just do nowt, you know.
And that's the people that are spoiling it for the people that do need it […] 'cause then they tar you all with the same brush Women, This limit is related to the fact that the Bradford study, on which the analyses drew, explored age and gender differences in 32 This is the accepted manuscript version for the article published in Health London : Giuntoli, G.
Richer and more nuanced data, possibly from individual interviews, is needed to investigate age and gender issues in employment passages and how these can contribute to the further development of the proposed middle-range theory. The experiences of loss of time structure and of identity crises, which were at the basis of this property, are also consistent with the findings of previous research e.
Jahoda, ; Warr, Ezzy, ; Fryer, and moves the discussion forward compared to classic time or stage frameworks see Table 1. Overall, the findings related to this property showed that the participants experienced different forms of self-stigma, i. This may imply that, contrary to what hypothesised in some quantitative studies e.
Jackson and Warr, , job loss at times of economic crises may not necessarily entail the construction of networks of supports or the attribution of job loss to external factors. One of the main characteristics of middle range theories is that they consolidate and federate hypotheses and empirical regularities which otherwise would appear segregated Boudon, Importantly, such properties are not objectively defined characteristics e.
The three properties identified in this study for the employment passage job loss at times of economic recessions bring together three sets of hypotheses and empirical findings within a common framework. Consequently, the proposed middle-range theory enables researchers to elaborate more complex hypotheses and calls for more qualitative and quantitative studies on the impact that employment transitions can have on the mental well- being of different groups of people and in different socio-economic contexts.
Contemporary Sociology 20 4 : Braun V and Clarke V. Qualitative Research in Psychology 3: Dooley D and Prause J. Inadequate employment as disguised unemployment, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ervasti H and Venetoklis T. Acta Sociologica Ezzy D. Finch J. Sociology Fryer D. Social Behaviour 1: Managers coping with unemployment at Organization Studies Garthwaite, K. Goffman E. BMJ b Applied Psychology Jackson PR and Warr P. British Medical Journal Jahoda M. Keyes C and Annas J. The Journal of Positive Psychology 4: The Lancet Psychological Science Journal of Applied Psychology Merton RK.
Paul KI and Moser K. Journal of Vocational Behavior Concept, policy and practice, London: Routledge. Social Psychology Quarterly Strycker S. A social structure version, California: Benjamin Cummings. Thoits PA. Wanberg CR. Annual Review of Psychology Warr P. The British Journal of Psychiatry In the personal application of the Science of Being Well, as in that of the Science of Getting Rich, certain fundamental truths must be known in the beginning, and accepted without question.
Some of these truths we state here:. The perfectly natural performance of function results from the natural action of the Principle of Life.
There is a Principle of Life in the universe; it is the One Living Substance from which all things are made. This Living Substance permeates, penetrates, and fills the interspaces of the universe; it is in and through all things, like a very refined and diffusible ether. All life comes from it; its life is all the life there is. Man is a form of this Living Substance, and has within him a Principle of Health. The word Principle is used as meaning source.
The Principle of Health in man, when in full constructive activity, causes all the voluntary functions of his life to be perfectly performed. It is the Principle of Health in man which really works all healing, no matter what "system" or "remedy" is employed; and this Principle of Health is brought into Constructive Activity by thinking in a Certain Way. I proceed now to prove this last statement. We all know that cures are wrought by all the different and often opposite, methods employed in the various branches of the healing art.
The allopath, who gives a strong dose of a counter-poison, cures his patient; and the homeopath, who gives a diminutive dose of the poison most similar to that of the disease, also cures it. If allopathy ever cured any given disease, it is certain that homeopathy never cured that disease; and if homeopathy ever cured an ailment, allopathy could not possibly cure that ailment. The two systems are radically opposite in theory and practice; and yet both "cure" most diseases.
And even the remedies used by physicians in any one school are not the same. Go with a case of indigestion to half a dozen doctors, and compare their prescriptions; it is more than likely that none of the ingredients of any one of them will be in the others. Must we not conclude that their patients are healed by a Principle of Health within themselves, and not by something in the varying "remedies"?
Not only this, but we find the same ailments cured by the osteopath with manipulations of the spine; by the faith healer with prayer, by the food scientist with bills of fare, by the Christian Scientist with a formulated creed statement, by the mental scientist with affirmation, and by the hygienists with differing plans of living.
What conclusions can we come to in the face of all these facts but that there is a Principle of Health which is the same in all people, and which really accomplishes all the cures; and that there is something in all the "systems" which, under favorable circumstances arouses the Principle of Health to action? That is, medicines, manipulations, prayers, bills of fare, affirmations, and hygienic practices cure whenever they cause the Principle of Health to become active; and fail whenever they do not cause it to become active.
Does not all this indicate that the results depend upon the way the patient thinks about the remedy, rather than upon the ingredients in the prescription?
There is an old story which furnishes so good an illustration on this point that I will give it here. It is said that in the middle ages, the bones of a saint, kept in one of the monasteries, were working miracles of healing; on certain days a great crowd of the afflicted gathered to touch the relics and be healed. On the eve of one of these occasions, some sacrilegious rascal gained access to the case in which the wonder-working relics were kept and stole the bones; and in the morning, with the usual crowd of sufferers waiting at the gates, the fathers found themselves shorn of the source of the miracle working power.
They resolved to keep the matter quiet, hoping that by doing so they might find the thief and recover their treasures; and hastening to the cellar of the convent they dug up the bones of a murderer, who had been buried there many years before. These they placed in the case, intending to make up some plausible excuse for the failure of the saint to perform his usual miracles on that day; and then they let in the waiting assemblage of the sick and infirm.
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